The Myth Of Pakistan & Musharraf’s Liberalism

There is much interest in Pakistan’s political and cultural dynamic these days. Hardly a week passes by when you don’t come across some article or the other in the international press highlighting and celebrating Pakistan’s apparently new found inclination for modernism, or ‘enlightened moderation’ if I were to use Musharraf’s now worn out neologism.

Such writers all sight a particular set of trends as proof to substantiate their claims. The growth of the press, and the image of Pakistan it presents (with private channels like Fashion TV and MTV Pakistan now on the airwaves) is one oft cite example. The progress with India in the peace process, and the people-to-people contact this progress has embodied in the form of merry sing along between music artists and joint film ventures between celebrities from both sides of the Wagah Border, is another favorite “proof” they use.

Many of them admit that a “radical”, “conservative” sect of religiously-inspired populous exists at the same time at the other end of the spectrum, but the underlying implication some how from all the above is that Musharraf, and him alone, may be the savior for Pakistan’s polarized ideologies. Some of these assertions couldn’t be further from ground realities.

One such article that I read recently was written by a certain Shuja Nawaz. The publication described her in a short bio as “a journalist who recently returned to Pakistan after working for 32 years at the International Monetary Fund and the International Atomic Energy Agency, to complete “Crossed Swords,” a book on Pakistan and its army”. In the article titled “Behind the Clichés, a Modern Pakistan” (published first in International Herald Tribune, later reproduced at The Pakistan Link, link via Raza Rumi) she does admit how, “For a returning native, Pakistan offers a kaleidoscope of images that defy the West’s stereotypes” but goes on to create an image of Pakistan laden with its own set of mythical characteristics.

Consider, for instance, the assertions she has made about the needs of the country’s urban elite, who she stipulates, are “craving” for leadership in figures like Musharraf. Me and my family have lived in Karachi for the better part of three decades, and we’re grateful to the Almighty that we can consider our self part of the “urban” and “educated” elite Ms. Nawaz writes on behalf of. But I cannot, not even for a moment, identify with the leaders she suggests we are craving for. Yes, we do aspire for a “moderate, peace-loving Pakistan”, but that we see Musharraf as the only person capable of giving us this dream would at best be a gross misrepresentation, and at worst, an insult to our intelligence.

Leaving aside the views of my parents and their parents, if I speak purely from the perspective of the youth of this country, people like me, who have no memories of the Zia era, who grew up watching the merry go round of democratically elected leaders in Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto, and then entered our teenage years as the Musharraf regime took over. The misdemeanors of these successive governments, their repeated moves towards sham democracy and a consistent trend of power-hungriness has left quite of few of us as largely politically indifferent. There is a vacuum in terms of potential leaders, and the only flag bearers of society that provide us with any semblance of inspiration are people well outside the circus of Pakistani politics. Here in are dignified members of the civil society, people like the Edhi family.

There is no denying that their was and perhaps still exists in my generation approval for some of Musharraf’s policies. Many people I know, from my age group, will admit they enjoy having a greater choice in watching Television then just having to suffice with PTV, they’ll also appreciate how the improving economy and greater foreign investment, has again given them more choices, in terms of consumer goods to explore into. And they’ll even be people who’ll appreciate and credit Musharraf with liberalizing Pakistan urban society at large, making it less of taboo for young people to “date”, for young people to dress in non-reformist ways and for having a liberty to bash “mullahs” openly that would be unheard of previous times.

But they will also admit how the benefits of a growing economy haven’t reached their less privileged fellow countrymen, how corruption is still rampant, how the civic facilities for even the elites are still inefficient, how the environment is the last thing on the government’s mind, how they’ve oppressed free speech and how law-and-order is still a thing largely unheard of. Even the list of their complains would be quite long. Such selective and well guarded approval for some of Musharraf’s policies hence should not be confused with outright support, or as the writer described it “crave for leadership”.

There is much damage that Musharraf and his close allies in the government have ensued upon their own selves in recent times. Many people who would have formerly praised Musharraf for some of the reforms he brought, will now express reservations about his sincerity towards Pakistan and the cause of her prosperity. Much of this has happened in time period as short as the last six months, during which Musharraf has indulged in a series of moves which have done nothing but directly benefit his own existence in power. From dismissing the Chief Justice, to having Nawaz Sharif deported, there is much Musharraf has done that has alienated some of his past admirers. And his recent u-turn around over letting the crocks of the past back in, something that he vehemently opposed for much of the last eight years of his reign, may well turn out to be the a final knock out blow.

Even at the socio-cultural front, the so called “liberal” people such articles frequently refer to, remain in the distinct minority even in the urban areas, let alone going into the country’s 160 million population at large. And then there is the additional question of their pseudo-liberalism that needs to be addressed. These lot, as Qandeel Shaam described them over at Pakistaniat, are primarily concerned with “being liberal without embracing liberalism: for example, aunties who mull for hours when deciding just how deep they should let their plunging necklines plunge before it starts to look too inappropriate for a charity fundraising event to help emancipate the poor. The same aunties are also dedicated to ensuring that the only ‘liberty’ their maids ever see is a market in Lahore.”

In fact Shaam describes the landscape of Pakistan’s identity crisis much more accurately then does Ms. Nawaz. It is too simplistic to suggest that Pakistan is merely split between hard line religious conservatives and left-wing liberals. But this divide is actually three fold, as Shaam narrates, it lies between the “Western-wannabe’s” , “the religious extremist-wannabe’s” and whatever lies between them. The former two’s ideologies refuse to adopt completely, either all the scruples of classical liberalism or traditional Islam, instead conveniently using only some of their principles as and when they need to prove their own point. I have encountered many of them right in the blogosphere it self and the travesty is that more of either types continue to glaze in the mainstream Pakistani media.

Pakistan’s hopes (or at least my own) lie in what remains between these two; “an extant grey zone” Shaam calls it, that is “either too small or too muted to buffer these two extremes”. I’d like to remain hopeful that these middle ground holders aren’t actually few, but that instead, the problem is that they’re so disheartenned in the systems of Pakistan society that they’ve sidelined themselves into aloofness. This isn’t as much a hope for an inspiring leader, as it is a hope for an inspiring people’s movement. For I’ve realised that leaders are like eagles. They don’t flock, but instead you find them one at a time. Sadly, such is Pakistan’s luck that in a population of 160 million, presently there’s not even one person that inspires complete confidence. That is why the only hopes I have are those from the silent majority. Pakistan will change the day enough of them wake up and decide to take their country’s destiny in their own hands.

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